By: Eiman Salih

When fighting erupted in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, on the morning of April 15, 2023 – just days before Eid al-Fitr – millions of civilians found themselves trapped between two warring factions; The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). What began as a power struggle between generals quickly spiraled into a full-blown war, engulfing entire cities and forcing families to flee in what would become the largest internal displacement crisis in the world today.

Before the war, Sudan was already dealing with overlapping humanitarian emergencies. It hosted over a million refugees from neighboring countries like South Sudan, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, while internally, millions had already been displaced by past conflicts. But the war that started in 2023 led to an unprecedented crisis. According to the UNHCR, by the end of 2024, more than 12 million Sudanese had fled their homes, with 8.8 million internally displaced and 3.2 million seeking refuge abroad, primarily in neighboring countries. Egypt, with its proximity and historical ties, became a key destination.

Egypt and Sudan enjoy a special relationship. In 2004, both countries signed the Four Freedoms Agreement granting their citizens mutual rights to move freely, reside, work, and own property without a visa. These provisions were particularly helpful for vulnerable groups such as women, children, and the elderly. When the conflict broke out, many Sudanese, especially those from Khartoum headed north. With Khartoum’s airport attacked on the first day of the conflict, air travel became impossible. Buses began transporting families to the Egyptian border, often through dangerous roads and active war zones.

Initially, Egyptian authorities allowed Sudanese citizens to enter, but the situation changed rapidly. In May 2023 barely a month after the war began, Egypt imposed new visa requirements for all Sudanese nationals, replacing earlier restrictions that had targeted only males between the ages of 16 and 50. The change came suddenly with little warning leaving many families stranded at border crossings, international airports, and deserted towns, many without the means or knowledge to navigate a rapidly changing bureaucratic landscape. The Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs claimed the decision aimed to regulate not restrict entry, but to the tens of thousands stuck in limbo, the message was clear: the doors were closing.

Getting a visa to enter Egypt quickly became a logistical nightmare. Only two visa processing offices operated in Sudan, one in Port Sudan, the new administrative capital, 800 kilometers from the capital Khartoum, and the other in the remote northern town of Wadi Halfa. Refugees were forced to travel lengthy journeys often risking getting caught in crossfire, sleeping in mosques, schools or streets, surviving on minimal aid and waiting months just to submit their papers and with no guarantee of success. With legal avenues to Egypt diminishing, a growing number of refugees turned to smugglers to cross into southern Egypt illegally risking arrest or worse.

The Egyptian authorities responded with an increasingly heavy hand. According to reports by Amnesty International and the Refugees Platform in Egypt, security forces began arresting and deporting Sudanese refugees en masse. Women, men, and children were detained in inhumane conditions, including horse stables and makeshift detention centers, often without due process or access to asylum procedures. Some refugees reported being held for over two months in military bases, allowed outside only once during their entire detention. Egyptian officials did not always differentiate between those entering irregularly and those with proper documentation, arrests occurred regardless of status.

These developments run contrary to Egypt’s international commitments. The country is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, which prohibit the forced return of refugees to countries where their lives may be in danger. However, Egypt has long operated without a national asylum system. Instead, refugee registration, status determination, and aid distribution are delegated to the UNHCR, which has struggled to keep up with the growing caseload. On average, registration takes anywhere between 7 and 18 months. Even then, recognition as a refugee provides little practical benefit as Egypt does not offer refugees access to public healthcare or education, and work permits are nearly impossible to obtain.

As a result, most Sudanese refugees in Egypt live in poverty and legal uncertainty. The UNHCR’s financial support is severely limited due to chronic underfunding, with some recipients receiving just 450 to 750 Egyptian pounds a month – roughly 15 to 25 U.S. dollars and many others couldn’t even get eligible to receive that. That amount is not even enough to cover a few days’ rent in Cairo. While Egypt does not operate formal refugee camps – unlike many African host countries – urban life for refugees comes with its own set of challenges.

Even basic rights, such as access to legal work, remain out of reach. Under current regulations, refugees must present both a valid passport and residency visa to apply for a work permit. But many Sudanese refugees fled without documents or had them destroyed. Security clearances can take months, and in the meantime many are forced into low-paying, informal labor with no protection from abuse or exploitation. Former doctors, engineers, teachers, and professionals now work as cleaners or street vendors, often under the table and for wages far below the minimum wage.

The impact is particularly severe on Sudanese women and girls, who make up a majority of the Sudanese refugee population. UNHCR estimates that nearly 75% of the 1.2 million Sudanese in Egypt are women and children. Many of them fled widespread sexual violence which has been used systematically by the rapid support forces who use rape as a weapon of war in Sudan. Yet in Egypt, protection remains elusive. Women face routine harassment, gender-based violence, exploitation in informal jobs, and an absence of legal recourse. Single mothers often separated from their husbands who remained behind or migrated elsewhere and who make up a large portion of the refugee population, bear the full weight of economic and emotional survival, constantly fearing for their children’s safety amid increasing hostility from both society and the authorities. Many live in fear of police raids, deportation, or worse.

Egypt’s economic crisis only complexes the hardship. The 2023 devaluation of the Egyptian pound led to a sharp rise in the cost of living. Prices for food, housing, and basic goods have soared. Egyptian authorities, for their part, continue to portray refugees as an economic burden, a narrative echoed by some segments of the media and amplified on social media. These portrayals stoke xenophobia and justify restrictive measures. Amid a broader economic downturn and rising unemployment, the presence of refugees becomes a scapegoat for deeper systemic issues.

Refugees who once hoped for a temporary stay are now stuck in cities they can no longer afford, unable to return home and unable to move forward. Some rely on remittances from relatives working in the Gulf. Despite these challenges, Sudanese refugees are not passive victims. Across Cairo and other cities, they have established community-run schools, vocational training programs, women-led associations, and informal aid networks. Some have opened restaurants and small shops that double as gathering spaces and employment hubs for their communities. These grassroots efforts often operate in the absence of support from international NGOs, and in many cases are more responsive to immediate needs. But these efforts remain limited and face legal risks.

Sudanese refugees face added hurdles due to new Egyptian laws and shifting policies. In late 2024, Egypt passed a new Asylum Law that was described by officials as an effort to align with international standards, but Human rights groups warn that this law further endangers Sudanese refugees and emboldens arbitrary arrests and deportations. In practice, it introduces ambiguous national security provisions that allow authorities to revoke refugee status or deny it altogether, without appeal or oversight. The law also criminalizes assistance to undocumented refugees, potentially targeting NGOs and community groups that fill in the gaps left by the government and international agencies.

The new legal framework has done little to alleviate the daily struggles faced by refugees. In fact, for many, it has made life even more dangerous. Registered Sudanese refugees are still denied access to public schools, and Sudanese primary and secondary schools – once a lifeline for displaced students – have been shut down by the authorities. Refugee students now need residency permits to enroll in Egyptian schools, a requirement few can meet. University education has also become increasingly inaccessible, tuition discounts for Sudanese students were reduced from 90 percent to 60 percent and then cancelled altogether in most governmental universities and institutes, while base tuition fees have tripled. Refugees who arrived without documents or proof of previous education are often unable to continue their studies, and many have returned to Sudan despite the dangers, simply because they see no future in Egypt.

The European Union has played a controversial role in shaping Egypt’s refugee policies. In March 2024, six EU leaders signed a €7.4 billion deal with Egypt aimed at preventing irregular migration to Europe. The agreement, hailed as a strategic partnership to stabilize the region, effectively incentivizes Egypt to curb its refugee population. It requires the Egyptian government to increase surveillance at its borders especially with Libya, a known transit point for migrants heading to Europe via the Mediterranean.

This strategy of “externalizing” EU border control has drawn criticism from human rights groups, who argue that the EU is outsourcing its migration problem at the expense of refugees’ rights and safety. Despite the EU’s financial backing, the number of refugees attempting to cross from Libya remains high, with Sudanese nationals increasingly represented among those making the hazardous journey. Although almost zero boats leave from Egyptian shores, even before the current wars in Sudan and Gaza, nearly 20% of the refugees reaching Europe via the Mediterranean in 2022 were Egyptians, indicating a larger migration trend fueled by regional instability, not simply war.

In April 2024, the Global Detention Project called on both the EU and the United Nations to pressure Egypt to halt deportations, lift visa restrictions for Sudanese fleeing war, and ensure access to fair asylum procedures. So far, there has been little response.

Despite everything, Egypt remains a preferred destination for many Sudanese. The countries share deep historical, linguistic, and cultural ties. Arabic is the primary language in both nations, and Sunni Islam is the dominant religion. Many Sudanese refugees have family connections in Egypt, or prior experience studying, working, or traveling there. This familiarity provides a sense of stability in an otherwise chaotic time. Moreover, Egypt’s geographic proximity allows displaced people to stay close to home, hold onto hope of return and maintain ties with relatives still inside Sudan.

For now, Sudanese refugees in Egypt remain trapped in a difficult reality, barred from fully participating in society, unable to return home, and left with shrinking options elsewhere. Unless there is a shift in both domestic and international policy, the future for these refugees remains one of continued marginalization, legal uncertainty, and profound vulnerability. Refugees view their presence as temporary, a waiting room until they can return home and rebuild their lives. Yet without rights, services or protection, even this temporary existence is under threat.

That pushed millions back to Sudan especially after the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) regained Khartoum and Al-Jazirah states in March this year, in addition to the parts of other states that were previously under the control of the rapid support forces (RSF) such as Sinnar, White & Blue Nile states. Conditions in these states remains very dire with minimal rebuilding efforts in the horizon and health and security challenges still present, in addition to the high living expenses and no job opportunities, Yet, according to the UN numbers more than 1.3 million Sudanese people have already returned to Sudan between March and July 2025, more than 190 thousands of them were from Egypt.